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JOHNSTON: Kenney’s TMX gamble could help Trudeau create NEP 2.0

Nationalizing TMX after deliberately making the project an “unquantifiable risk” is not, however, what Albertans – especially those who remember the National Energy Program – wanted from their government.




Alberta Premier Jason Kenney is investing a lot of political capital in the Trans Mountain Expansion Project (TMX). It’s a smart move for the federalist premier, but it could be a nightmare for regular Albertans for decades to come.

The rally cry for Kenney and his supporters on energy infrastructure is “Don’t mess with TMX.” TMX is, of course, already a mess. The project was approved in 2013 by the National Energy Board (NEB) but immediately faced legal challenges and an increasingly hostile regulatory environment. In April 2018, Kinder Morgan announced that “the project is now facing unquantifiable risk,” signalling the end to the company’s involvement in the venture and the subsequent nationalization of the pipeline by the Trudeau Liberals. But Kenney needs a win for Alberta, and his TMX posturing is likely to deliver results. 

The same people who supported Kenney’s ambitious merger of the Wildrose and Progressive Conservative parties are now looking to the Premier to back their own ambitions for a radical restructuring of Alberta’s place in confederation, if not outright independence. While Kenney has called sovereigntist ambitions “irrational,” he must give the appearance of taking this movement seriously or risk alienating his base. Complicating matters is Kenney’s constant eye on Ottawa. After twenty years as a federal Member of Parliament – many of those as a high-profile government cabinet minister – the Prime Minister’s Office could be within reach for Kenney, should timing and circumstances avail themselves. Kenney needs a win at home to keep the sovereigntist movement in check, and a win on the national stage to keep a return to Ottawa in play. The construction of TMX does both.

Using TMX as a bargaining chip also buys Kenney valuable time. He has promised a referendum on equalization payments should TMX remain mothballed. While the referendum threat is mostly political theatre and falls short of what Albertans are asking for, Kenney can avoid a vote on equalization and keep his federalist credentials intact so long as progress on TMX creeps forward.

Alberta Premier Jason Kenney

And creep forward is exactly what TMX is doing. In June 2019, the federal cabinet directed the National Energy Board (NEB) to approve construction and operation of the project — and despite the exaggerated and often-repeated claim of First Nations’ opposition, the Indian Resource Council (IRC) representing 134 First Nations has expressed interest in buying the project, which has been owned by the Canadian Development Investment Corporation (CDIC) since August 2018.

John Ibbitson with the Globe and Mail wrote of the mood in Alberta that:

“The anger over pipelines is premature. After all, the Liberals did nationalize the Trans Mountain project. If the government is able to construct the pipeline, despite opposition from the British Columbia government and from environmental and Indigenous protesters, then Alberta will have no cause to complain. If the government fails to build Trans Mountain, however, Alberta’s oil-dependent economy will have been let down by Ottawa, and people there will and should howl.”

Nationalizing TMX after deliberately making the project an “unquantifiable risk” is not, however, what Albertans – especially those who remember the National Energy Program – wanted from their government.

The founding of Petro-Canada as a crown corporation in 1975 and the creation of the National Energy Program (NEP) in 1980 by Pierre Trudeau allowed the federal government to conduct what author Dr. Michael Wagner describes in his book Alberta Separatism: Then and Now as a “raid on Alberta’s oil industry.” 

In 1987, Stephen Harper told delegates at the Reform Party’s founding convention that:

Preston Manning & Stephen Harper in the Reform Party

“Property rights should be entrenched in the Canadian constitution. As well, a more serious privatization policy should be adopted. At the top of the list should be Petro-Canada. Both federal ownership and control of Petro-Canada must be terminated so that it can never again be used as a vehicle for central Canadian colonialism and expropriation. This is the critical missing link in the job of dismantling the National Energy Program.”

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau – lacking for imagination and common sense – might very well be creating the policy vehicle for the implementation of another National Energy Program with the purchase of TMX. This would allow him to rebuild his father’s legacy and keep Alberta beholden to the whims of the federal government on energy and environmental matters.

Kenney’s “Don’t mess with TMX” battle cry could aid in the recreation of the Petro-Canada / NEP apparatus that was so effectively used as a tool for “colonialism and expropriation”.

TMX needs to be built, but not before it is returned to private hands free of any connection to the federal government.

We’ve seen this political maneuver before, and we know how it ends. It’s time for Kenney to serve to long-term interests of the province. He must resist the temptation of rushing toward a pyrrhic victory on TMX and navigate these treacherous waters carefully.


MORGAN: It’s time for Joe to go

Cory Morgan writes that other politicians have been driven from office for much, much less than what Joe did.




With news that the Calgary Police Service has asked the RCMP to begin an independent investigation into Councilor Joe Magliocca’s expense scandal, it becomes clear that it is time for Mr. Magliocca to step aside from his council seat.

Citizens have little patience for well-heeled politicians abusing expense accounts on the backs of taxpayers. In 2012, a $16 glass of orange juice expensed by Conservative cabinet minister MP Bev Oda caused such outrage that Oda eventually resigned in disgrace. It may have been small peanuts and the controversy overblown, but it was a symbol of disrespect to taxpayers, rightly or wrongly. Magliocca’s abuse of his expense account is much worse than anything Oda did.

This wasn’t a one-off – or even an accident – for Joe. A forensic audit concluded that there has been a pattern of personal expense abuse carried out by Magliocca for years. From room upgrades to luxury hotels, to airline seat upgrades, to what appears to be the outright fraudulent efforts to cover up the event hosting expenses by falsely adding names of attendees who were never there, it is clear that Magliocca has a serious and ongoing problem with abusing the taxpayer’s trust. Any private organization would have fired Magliocca years ago.

Conservatives are few and far between on Calgary’s city council. Councilor Joe Magliocca had been considered one of them. That makes Magliocca’s repeated and flagrant abuse of taxpayer’s dollars for his personal benefit all the more odious and damaging. Nothing undercuts calls for fiscal restraint more effectively than hypocrisy. How could or would anybody take Magliocca’s calls for the city to tighten it’s fiscal belt when he has so brazenly gorged on the taxpayer’s flesh himself?

It’s not as if Magliocca wasn’t paid enough as a counselor to begin with. With a base salary of $113,416 plus benefits and pension, along with an already generous expense policy, there was no excuse for Maglioca’s abuse his expense account so flagrantly. It is a slap in the face to taxpayers who are currently wondering how they are going to make their mortgage payments in light of ceaseless city tax increases and who can’t afford to go on vacations, much less lavish ones fully expensed by their employers.

So far Magliocca has been silent and keeping a low profile. Yes, he paid back a few thousand dollars, but that was of course only after he was caught with his hand in the cookie jar. Joe knows he can’t justify this, so I am guessing that he hopes that if he keeps his head low that this will blow over. This is not going to blow over.

At this point, the only acceptable response from Joe Magliocca should be his immediate resignation as a city councilor. This may even serve Joe’s interests in a sense, because if there does indeed turn out to be criminal wrongdoing found and he is convicted, at least some evidence of remorse will have been shown prior to sentencing.

The next best thing at least would be for Magliocca to openly announce that he will not be running in the next election. His brand is befouled and there is no way he could win his seat on council again. It would leave Joe as a lame-duck councillor, but at least the path would be cleared for for principled candidates to begin campaigning to replace him in 2021.

If Magliocca does run again, he could cause damage to the entire outcome of the election. Joe could split the vote with a real conservative and put yet another free-spending councilor at the table at a time when Calgary can least afford one. Magliocca’s presence in the election would likely turn into a sideshow where his ill-behavior is used to try and discredit conservatives running in other wards or even for Mayor.

Joe Magliocca’s political reputation is irreparably damaged even if he doesn’t know it yet. The best thing Joe can do for the city of Calgary now is to step aside. This election is much too important and we can’t allow this circus to keep us all from finally getting the fiscally responsible mayor and council that we so desperately need.

Politicians have been driven from office for much, much less than what Joe did. It’s time for Councilor Magliocca to do the right thing.

Cory Morgan and a columnist for the Western Standard and a business owner in Priddis, Alberta.

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BARNES: Albertans deserve the right to make the big decisions in referenda law

Guest column from Drew Barnes says that Alberta’s referendum law should be expanded to allow votes on big constitutional issues.




Guest opinion column from Alberta MLA Drew Barnes

“I am and I will remain a populist, because those who listen to the people are doing their job.” Matteo Salvini.

At its core the word populism is the action that government policies should be determined by the will of the people, not the will of the elite. Direct democracy is the institutional populism in action.

There is debate over whether populism should be termed as a movement or an ideology. Since the actions of populist engagement can transcend the ideological spectrum, I believe it should be viewed as a movement, that can sometimes manifest itself ideologically. As a movement, populist participation can take place on all points of the spectrum. Ultimately, that is what is wanted from a democratic society – engagement from all points of the spectrum.

Now more than ever, we need a new grassroots-populist approach to politics. Grassroots politics by its nature suggests that it is a movement that is sparked from the bottom-up. Politicians who came from grassroots movements must never forget where they came from, or lose sight of what they came to do. We need more of the bottom-up approach to politics, and make listening to the people that elected us a priority.

This is taking place in some measure here in Alberta. Political party policy processes allow for constituency associations to generate policy proposals for conventions, where they are voted on by the membership. Every party in Alberta – with the exception of the NDP – uses a ‘one member, one vote’ system.

Another grassroots/populist tool is referenda, that when used the right way are a valuable democratic tool. Referendums however, must stay true to their purpose, and the process for bringing them forward must allow for citizens to craft their own – fair – wording on a question. This is not to say that any question – however subjectively worded – that anyone wants to ask should be put to a referendum. Therefore, the rules on the use of referendums must not be overly onerous, nor overly temperate.

Switzerland is a prime example of a country that takes full advantage of referendums, including citizens’ initiative. In their democratic system, referendums can occur up to four times annually. All citizens registered to vote can cast their ballot on issues affecting decisions within both their federal government and their cantons (autonomous provinces). Before each vote, all registered voters receive a package of booklets in the mail which provide details on the coming referendums. Since these referendums began in 1848, just under half of the referendum proposals have passed. Even if they don’t always pass, the process is crucial to starting conversations and keeping citizens involved in debate. Referendums also force political parties to reach beyond partisan lines to reach consensus.

Alberta’s legislature recently passed a bill that guides referendums on non-constitutional matters. While this is a positive step forward, there are issues in this bill that need improvement. 

For example, Albertans initiating a referendum might go through the process of collecting hundreds of thousands of signatures, only to have the cabinet alter the wording the question. While fair wording of the question is critical to the integrity of direct democracy, that issue is not best dealt with by politicians who may have a stake in the result. Instead, clear guidelines should be established in law on question wording, and left to non-partisan officials at Elections Alberta. 

And while the new referendum legislation is a big step forward over the status quo (that is, nothing), it deliberately bans citizens-initiated referendums on constitutional questions. This means that if Albertans wished to force a vote on adding property rights to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, that they would not be allowed. Similarly, Albertans are barred from forcing a vote on reforming the Senate, equalization, or internal free trade. Ominously, Albertans have no right to force a vote over the heads of the legislature on independence or other forms of sovereignty. 

I believe that Albertans can be trusted with the right of citizens’ initiative on all questions, both constitutional and non-constitutional. 

We trust the people to elect a government to run our systems, so why can’t we trust them to bring their own questions forward? 

Drew Barnes is the UCP MLA for Cypress-Medicine Hat

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LETTER: Erin O’Toole isn’t “woke” enough to beat Trudeau in the East

A reader says that Erin O’Toole isn’t “woke” enough to beat Trudeau in the East.




In this ‘Era of Wokeness” along with the ascension of Black Lives Matter into the public consciousness, I believe that it would be detrimental to the Conservative Party of Canada to have Erin O’Toole as
it’s leader.

Mr O’Toole recently refused to use the word ‘racism’ and did not answer clearly when pressed on whether he believes it even exists. Erin O’Toole will hand the Trudeau Liberals an easy victory during the next election, should he become Tory leader. Canada cannot afford another four years of Justin Trudeau. 

Like it or not, most people in Ontario and Quebec (where all federal elections are ultimately decided owing to their number of allotted seats), are very much ‘woke’ on the issue of racism, as well as
sexism, homophobia, ect. In my experience, this also includes most Conservative Party of Canada voters in Eastern Canada.

Right-wing populism and social conservatism does well in Western Canada – but centrist Red Toryism is all they are prepared to accept in most of Ontario, Quebec and Atlantic Canada. CPC members in Western Canada need to keep this in mind when voting for their next leader. 

CPC members need to be sensible and realistic if they want to win the next federal election. 

Gila Kibner 
Edmonton, Alberta

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