1879: Manitoba joins the Dominion of Canada as a province and elects a minority Conservative government.
1885: The Northwest Rebellion is launched by Louis Riel against federal power in the Northwest Territories over treatment of the Métis peoples and several First Nations. Ottawa sends a militia to crush the rebellion and hang Riel.
1904: Northwest Territories Premier Frederick Haultain petitions Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier to create a unified province of “Buffalo” with the same rights as other provinces over natural resources.
1905: Ignoring Premier Haultain, the federal government creates the separate provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan with direct control over natural resources by Ottawa. All other provinces are allowed to control their own resources.
Alexander Rutherford, Alberta’s first premier, forms a majority Liberal government.
Walter Scot, Saskatchewan’s first premier, forms a majority Liberal government.
1920: The Progressive Party is founded, winning 21 per cent of the vote in its first election and sending 58 MPs to Ottawa, mostly from the West.
1921: The upstart United Farms of Alberta sweeps to power in its first election. The Liberals never form government in Alberta again.
1926: The United Farmers of Canada is founded, sending large numbers of MPs to Ottawa from the West and rural Ontario.
1929: The Great Depression hits the Prairie provinces hardest, leading many major Eastern Canadian business interests to pull out of the region.
1930: Alberta and Saskatchewan acquire at long last dominion over their own natural resources, a right that had been denied to them but not to the other provinces.
1935: The Social Credit League comes to power with a massive majority government just months after being founded, and without an official leader. “Bible” Bill Aberhart becomes premier. The new party is dedicated to fighting Eastern control over the Alberta economy and a radical monetary policy.
The federal government creates the Canadian Wheat Board, forcing Western grain farms to sell their harvests exclusively to the state monopoly. Eastern farmers are exempted from the monopoly and are allowed to sell on the open market.
1938: Aberhart establishes the Alberta Treasury Branch (ATB) as an alternative to the Eastern banking interests that had largely pulled out of the Prairies. A constitutional crisis ensues when the federally-appointed Lt. Governor threatens to fire the elected government.
1943: Aberhart dies and Earnest Manning becomes premier, moving the Social Credit League away from radical monetary reform and toward a more orthodox conservative outlook.
1944: Tommy Douglass leads the socialist Canadian Commonwealth Federation (precursor to the NDP) to its first victory in Saskatchewan, largely on a mandate of fighting against Eastern business interests.
1957: John Diefenbaker of Saskatchewan becomes prime minister on a populist wave. The Liberals never again attain major federal support on the Prairies.
1968: Pierre Trudeau becomes prime minister and goes on to win a majority Liberal government, and achieves a limited breakthrough in Alberta.
1969: The federal government passes the Official Languages Act, alienating many Westerners.
1971: Peter Lougheed becomes the first Progressive Conservative Premier of Alberta, ending 36 years of unbroken Social Credit rule.
1972: Pierre Trudeau is returned with a minority government, and with no MPs from Alberta. The Liberals would never again elect a significant number of MPs from Alberta until his son Justin Trudeau’s first election in 2015.
1980: The Liberal federal government imposes the National Energy Program with the support of many Eastern Progressive Conservative politicians. The Alberta economy collapses.
1982: The sovereigntist Western Canada Concept Party elects Gordon Kesler an MLA in a by-election, signaling the rise of mainstream support for independence. Premier Peter Lougheed calls a snap election and the WCC loses its only seat, but comes in third in the popular vote.
Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau successfully patriates the Constitution. Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed wins provincial control over natural resources, but concedes any reform of the Senate.
1984: Brian Mulroney becomes prime minister with a massive Progressive Conservative majority government, with a coalition of Western conservatives, Eastern business interests and Quebec nationalists.
1985: Prime Minister Mulroney hesitates in dismantling the National Energy Program, but finally ends it in 1985.
1986: Prime Minister Mulroney intervenes to award a major C-18 fighter jet maintenance contract to a firm in Quebec over Manitoba, despite the Manitoba firm’s lower price and better quality offer, in the name of national unity.
1987: The Meech Lake Accord is signed by the prime minister and all provincial and territorial leaders with the support of nearly every political party in Canada. The accord would entrench special status for Quebec in the Constitution.
The Reform Party of Canada is formed with the slogan, “The West Wants In.” Preston Manning is elected the new party’s first leader.
1988: Mulroney is returned with a majority Progressive Conservative government. The Reform Party attracts significant early support, but is shut out in the free-trade “referendum” election.
The federal government passes the Official Multiculturalism Act against the objections of many Westerners.
1989: Deborah Gray wins a federal by-election in Alberta to become the first Reform Party MP.
Stan Waters wins Canada’s first non-binding Senate election on the Reform Party ticket in Alberta, showing early signs that Progressive Conservative support was in danger of collapse in the West.
1990: The Meech Lake Accord collapses from small but growing provincial opposition in Newfoundland and Manitoba.
Federal Environment Minister Lucien Bouchard resigns from the cabinet and forms the Bloc Quebecois with Progressive Conservative and Liberal MPs from Quebec.
1992: Despite having the support of most major political parties, the Charlottetown Accord on constitutional reform goes down to defeat in a national referendum. All four Western provinces, Quebec, and Nova Scotia vote “no”, while Ontario and the rest of the Atlantic provinces approve. The Charlottetown Accord went too far in appeasing Quebec for many as echoed by the upstart Reform Party, and didn’t go far enough, as stated by the Bloc Quebecois.
1993: The Progressive Conservatives suffer the worst defeat of any governing party in modern democratic history, collapsing from 196 seats in 1988, to just two. The Jean Chretien becomes prime minister with a majority Liberal government, while the Bloc Quebecois win 54 seats, and the Reform Party 52. The Progressive Conservatives will never again win significant support in Western Canada until their merger with the Canadian Reform-Conservative Alliance in 2003.
The Liberals create the long-gun registry, upsetting many Westerners and rural Easterners who view it as an attack on them.
Ralph Klein becomes Premier of Alberta with a majority Progressive Conservative Government, and would go on to chart a somewhat more independent course from Ottawa than had his predecessor.
The federal government refuses to appoint any more elected Alberta Senators-in-Waiting to the upper house.
1995: Quebec votes by a razor-thin margin to remain in Canada after a massive political and financial effort by federalist forces to convince them to stay.
1997: The Reform Party’s attempts to break into Eastern Canada fail, as it loses its single seat in Ontario that it won in 1993. The Progressive Conservative re-emerge as a largely Atlantic and Quebec-based party in the House of Commons.
Four Progressive Conservative and four Liberal MLAs unite to form the Saskatchewan Party and challenge the NDP’s hold on power.
1998: Alberta elects Stan Waters, Bert Brown and Ted Morton as Senators-in-Waiting. Jean Chretien refuses to honour the election and appoints his own nominees.
2000: In attempting to break into Eastern Canada, the Reform Party dissolves and is folded into the new Canadian Reform-Conservative Alliance. Prime Minister Jean Chretien calls an early election in which he paints the Canadian Alliance leader Stockwell Day as the stooge of Alberta Premier Ralph Klein.
2001: Stephen Harper and several prominent conservatives publish the “Alberta Agenda”, which proposed that the province “build firewalls” to keep out a hostile federal government from areas of provincial jurisdiction. The Alberta government strikes a committee to study the proposals, but rejects them all.
2002: The federal government signs the Kyoto Protocol, which many Westerners fear will hurt the energy industry.
2003: Stephen Harper and Peter MacKay agree to merge the Canadian Alliance and Progressive Conservative Party into the Conservative Party of Canada. Stephen Harper is elected the new party’s first leader.
2004: Liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin calls a snap election in which he is reduced to a minority government, while the Conservatives make gains on their Western base in the East.
Albertans elect Bert Brown and two other Senators-in-Waiting. Prime Minister Paul Martin refuses to honour the election and appoints his own nominees.
2005: Alberta Premier Ralph Klein launches his “third way” healthcare reforms that include limited private sector involvement. Under pressure from Ottawa, Klein aborts the reforms.
2006: The Liberals are defeated and Stephen Harper forms a minority Conservative government. On election night, he proclaims from Calgary, “The West is in.”
The federal government outlaws “income trust” corporate structures, causing significant financial panic in the Alberta energy industry.
Ralph Klein is succeeded by Ed Stelmach as Premier of Alberta and Progressive Conservative Party Leader.
2007: Brad Wall defeats the NDP to become premier with a majority Saskatchewan Party government. Wall quickly becomes the leading Western voice after Stephen Harper.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper appoints Bert Brown as the second-ever elected Senator from Alberta.
2008: Under threat of a Liberal-Bloc-NDP coalition, the Conservatives introduce tens of billions of dollars in “economic stimulus” and bailouts, targeted mostly at Eastern Canadian industries.
Two small rightist parties merge to form the Wildrose Alliance in Alberta. They fail to win any seats in their first election, as Ed Stelmach increases the Progressive Conservative majority.
2011: With a collapsing Liberal Party and surging NDP, Stephen Harper is returned with a majority Conservative government.
The federal government ends the Canadian Wheat Board’s monopoly over Western farmers. Eastern farmers were never brought under its control.
Allison Redford succeeds Ed Stelmach as Alberta Premier and Progressive Conservative leader. She charts a course of close federal relations.
2012: The federal government withdraws Canada from the Kyoto Protocol, and repeals the long-gun registry.
The Wildrose Party breaks into the Alberta political arena and its leader, Danielle Smith becomes the Leader of the Official Opposition. The Progressive Conservative majority is reduced, but faces a new, Ottawa-skeptic party on its right.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper appoints Doug Black and Scott Tannas as elected Senators from Alberta.
2014: Two-thirds of the Wildrose Party caucus defect to the Progressive Conservatives under its new leader Jim Prentice.
2015: Alberta Premier Jim Prentice cancels Senate elections which were supposed to take place in conjunction with the next provincial election.
Rachel Notley forms a majority NDP government in Alberta, while the Wildrose Party rebounds to official opposition, and the Progressive Conservatives collapse to a distant third place.
Rachel Notley officially discontinues Senate elections.
Justin Trudeau defeats Stephen Harper and forms a majority Liberal government, with four seats in Alberta and one in Saskatchewan.
Rachel Notley and Justin Trudeau form a close alliance, agreeing to a carbon tax and strict regulations on the Alberta energy industry.
U.S. President Barack Obama rejects the Keystone XL pipeline without major protest from Alberta Premier Rachel Notley.
The Wildrose Party begins to agitate for Equalization reform.
2016: The federal government cancels the Northern Gateway pipeline without major protest from Alberta Premier Rachel Notley.
Jason Kenney leaves federal politics to attempt to unite the Wildrose and Progressive Conservative parties in Alberta.
Brad Wall retires as Premier of Saskatchewan and is succeeded by Scott Moe, who is re-elected with a majority Saskatchewan Party government.
2017: The Energy East Pipeline is canceled after failing to win federal and Quebec support without major protest from Alberta Premier Rachel Notley.
The Wildrose and Progressive Conservative parties merge to form the United Conservative Party of Alberta. Jason Kenney defeats Brian Jean to become the new party’s first leader on a platform of confronting Ottawa and holding a referendum on Equalization.
2018: Facing major court setbacks and strong protests from environmental groups, Kinder Morgan announces that it is pulling out of the TransMountain pipeline expansion. The federal government nationalizes the project with the support of Rachel Notley and Jason Kenney.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau again ignores Alberta’s most recent elected Senators-in-Waiting, and appoints his own nominees.
The sovereigntist Freedom Conservative Party of Alberta is founded and gains its first MLA with former Wildroser Derek Fildebrandt. The party calls for “Equality or Independence”.
2019: Jason Kenney becomes Alberta premier with a majority United Conservative Party government on a promise to fight Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, turn the economy around, build pipelines, and hold a referendum on Equalization. The NDP is reduced to official opposition. The Alberta Party, Liberal Party, and the new Freedom Conservative and Alberta Independence parties are shut out.
Alberta Premier Jason Kenney repeals the consumer portion of the carbon tax, but strikes a bargain with Ottawa to leave it in place for large industries.
The federal parliament passes Bill C-48 (dubbed the “No More Pipelines Bill), and C-69 (West coast oil tanker ban).
Justin Trudeau is returned to power with a reduced minority Liberal government, relying on support from the Bloc Quebecois, NDP and Green Party. The Liberals lose every seat between Winnipeg and Vancouver.
A new group calling itself “WEXIT” is formed, gaining huge overnight support on social media.
Wheatland County passes a motion calling for an Alberta independence referendum if constitutional reform is not achieved within a year.
Alberta Premier Jason Kenney commissions a “Fair Deal Panel” to explore ways in which Alberta could assert more control over its affairs within Canada.
A conference debating independence is held in Red Deer attracting several hundred delegates.
2020: Michelle Rempel-Garner and three other federal Conservative MPs issue the Buffalo Declaration, laying out demands for constitutional reform. The document says Albertans “will be equal, or they will be independent.”
Federal Liberal cabinet ministers and MPs speak openly about canceling the $20 billion Teck Frontier oilsands mine project, and propose an economic aid package as a consolation. Days before the approval’s deadline, Teck walks away from the project citing the uncertain policy environment.
The Freedom Conservative Party of Alberta and Wexit Alberta announce an agreement to unite into the Wildrose Independence Party of Alberta.
McCOLL: Canada’s airforce replacement program getting it half right, half wrong
Alex McColl on how the very mixed bag of Canada’s airforce replacement programs.
On June 6, the Department of National Defence (DND) announced that the two oldest 1980s-era Bombardier VIP jets (the Challenger 601) would be replaced with a pair of new sole-sourced Bombardier Challenger 650 jets. The old Challengers no longer meet international civil aviation standards nor could they be affordably upgraded.
While some have criticized the Challenger fleet, Canadians should be proud of how much money the affordable Challengers have saved the taxpayer.
The United States Air Force (USAF) spends more on a single 8-hour Air Force One (a Boeing 747) flight than the Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) spent on the governor general’s 109 Challenger flights between April 2011 and February 2014. That said, the Liberal government has taken a step backwards on the VIP jet file by missing an opportunity.
The Bombardier Global VIP jet can carry more people, can fly farther (over 11,000 km), and is a proven military platform. Finland is currently evaluating the new Bombardier/Saab GlobalEye as a component of Saab’s bid to replace Finland’s F/A-18 Hornet fighter jets. The Global is also the basis for the Bombardier/Saab Swordfish maritime patrol jet that is the leading contender to replace Canada’s aging CP-140 aircraft.
Canada needs to keep RCAF operating costs affordable while adding capabilities. A proven way to save money is to reduce the variety of jets in service. It would be better to replace all four Challengers with new sole-sourced Bombardier Global jets and six Bombarder/Saab GlobalEye airborne radar jets. The government should also announce that the CP-140 maritime patrol aircraft will be replaced in the 2030s by Bombardier/Saab Swordfish jets. This would both enhance our military capabilities while reassuring potential export customers that militarized Global jets are a safe investment.
On Tuesday June 16, the United States Government announced the approval of a foreign military sale to Canada of approximately $862.3 million (USD) worth of CF-18 upgrades and weapons. Phase one of Canada’s Hornet Extension Project will upgrade avionics and mission systems to extend the life of up to 94 CF-18s until 2032. Phase two will use the upgrades to enhance the combat capabilities of up to 36 CF-18s.
The upgrades quote includes fifty of the latest AIM-9X sidewinder missiles, twenty AGM-154C glide bombs, thirty-eight APG-79(v)4 AESA radars, thirty Improved Tactical Air Launched Decoys (ITALD), and a host of other upgrades to bring Canada’s CF-18A jets to an equivalent standard with the United States Marine Corps (USMC) F/A-18C Hornets. The Marines plan to upgrade 98 of their Hornets – 7 squadrons worth – with these systems between 2020 and 2022. The new radar is nearly identical to the APG-79 AESA radar found in the Super Hornet.
Phase one and the addition of the AIM-9X missile should be considered the bare minimum required to keep the CF-18 fleet flying to 2032, when Canada’s next fighter is scheduled to reach full operational capability. Phase two will offer significantly enhanced combat capabilities and give RCAF pilots some valuable experience with modern radars. The Department of National Defence (DND) released a budget estimate of $500 million for phase one of the Hornet Extension Project and a total cost – including phase two – of $1.3 billion.
All four of the candidates for the leadership of the Conservative Party of Canada have promised to increase military spending. During the June 18th leadership debate, Dr. Lewis – the only candidate to not commit to a 2 per cent of GDP spending target – questioned the commitment of MacKay and O’Toole by pointing out that the Harper Government didn’t get it done despite its own commitment.
Even proponents of sole sourcing the F-35 – like Peter MacKay – should support the CF-18 phase two upgrade. The May 2020 United States Government Accountability Office report on the F-35 outlined issues and cost overruns that have delayed the availability of fully capable Block 4 F-35s until 2026.
This delay – combined with the fact that allied nations are already in the order queue – casts serious doubts on if Lockheed Martin could even meet Canada’s CF-18 replacement timelines. Lockheed Martin could deliver Block 3 aircraft, but that would impose considerable future upgrade costs on Canadian taxpayers. The rational course of action would be to delay an F-35 purchase until Block 4 jets are available.
If Conservatives are serious about rearming the RCAF and reaching Canada’s NATO spending targets, then they should demand that phase two of the Hornet Extension Project is fully funded and delivered on time. Conservatives should also push the Liberals to do more and replace the aging Challenger and CP-140 aircraft with a combined fleet of Bombardier Global based VIP, airborne radar, and maritime patrol jets.
Canada’s airforce fleet replacements – and the fighter replacement in particular – have been a morass of bureaucrat inertia and political interference, but the there is finally a glimmer of hope that they might get it right.
Alex McColl is the National Defence Columnist with the Western Standard and a Canadian military analyst
Inside Seattle’s CHAZ – where warlords rule and vegan food is in short supply
At the heart of the CHAZ, is a Seattle police precinct, abandoned by officers and now being used by protesters, oh, and warlords.
As a strategy for American urban renewal, it’s certainly an interesting experiment.
Thousands of protesters – many hailing from the far-left ANTIFA terrorist organization – have taken over a six-square block area of Seattle – now dubbed the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ) – where no police officers are allowed.
Just 24 hours a day of protesting, music, dancing and communing without a cop in sight, they have already run out of food, putting out a plea for “vegan meat alternatives” and other soy-based food donations.
At the heart of the CHAZ is a Seattle police precinct, abandoned by officers and now being used by gun-tooting warlords who have established themselves as the new keepers of law and order.
They have a list of demands, including the “abolition” of the Seattle Police Department and its attached court system, free college for all people in the state, as well as “the abolition of imprisonment, generally speaking, but especially the abolition of both youth prisons and privately-owned, for-profit prisons.”
The streets are apparently controlled by a hip hop artist-turned-warlord by the name of Raz Simone, who has established an armed private police force that does not hesitate to dole out beatings to communal scofflaws.
Another video shows Raz and friends confronting a man for making unauthorized graffiti on Raz’s turf, which results in the “police” stealing the man’s phone, breaking his glasses, and reportedly repeatedly kicking him in the head.
“We are the police of this community here now,” the man is told before the beating.
The video reveals Raz’s gang telling the man, “For your own safety, you need to go,” and “You might need a little love tap” before seeming to assault him.
The vandal is then ordered to hand over his phone as tribute to Raz, under the threat of more violence. “You just broke my glasses! I’m blind! You just broke my glasses and stole my phone!” the man pleads, before being told, “Yeah, we should have broken your face.”
“Don’t be making no threats … I’ll blow your brains out,” Raz says.
In other sections of CHAZ, there are tents with supplies for volunteer medics as well as food donated by local restaurants, along with fruit, snacks and water bottles.
“The scene here is peaceful as hell,” said a demonstrator who identified herself as Jahtia B.
“This is our city. I was born and raised in this city. Let’s give it to the people, the people who live in Seattle and have been thriving here,” she told AFP news agency.
Seattle City Councillor Kshama Sawant disputed accounts of violence or intimidation by protesters within the area and said it was more like a street fair with political discussions and a drum circle.
“The right wing has been spreading rumours that there is some sort of lawlessness and crime taking place at the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone, but it is exactly the opposite of that,” said Sawant,
An African American demonstrator, Rich Brown, told reporters he was scared Sunday when police used tear gas and flash-bangs in an attempt to clear the area.
“Today I feel supported, welcomed,” he said.
“We’re able to speak, it’s what we’ve been wanting to do this whole time, without intimidation, without fear.”
U.S President Donald Trump and Seattle’s Mayor Jenny Durkan are currently engaged in a war of words over the Zone.
“Take back your city NOW. If you don’t do it, I will,” Trump warned Durkan and Washington state governor Jay Inslee – both Democrats – in a tweet late on Wednesday, calling the protesters “domestic terrorists” who have taken over Seattle.
“This is not a game. These ugly Anarchists must be stooped (sic) IMMEDIATELY. MOVE FAST,” he said in another tweet.
Durkan replied, telling Trump to “go back to his bunker” a reference to when Trump sheltered in the White House bunker after D.C protests and riots got too close.
Inslee tweeted: “A man who is totally incapable of governing should stay out of Washington state’s business. ‘Stoop’ tweeting.”
In a Thursday press conference, Durkan said it would be unconstitutional and “illegal” for Trump to send military forces there to clear protesters occupying part of the city.
But, at the same news conference, Seattle Police Chief Carmen Best said the protesters could not remain camped behind barricades in the city’s Capitol Hill neighbourhood.
“You should know, leaving the precinct was not my decision,” Best said in a video addressed to the members of the department.
Assistant Police Chief Deanna Nollette told reporters police had received reports that protesters allegedly set up barricades, “with some armed individuals running them as checkpoints into the neighborhood.
“While they have a constitutionally-protected right to bear arms, and while Washington is an open carry state, there is no legal right for those arms to be used to intimidate community members. No one at these checkpoints has the legal authority to demand identification from anyone,” Nollette said.
Nollette also said police have “heard anecdotally” of residents and businesses being asked to pay a fee if they want to operate in the area.
“This is the crime of extortion,” Nollette said.
Officials say there is no indication the occupied area is being coordinated by left-wing groups under the umbrella of Antifa.
The U.S. has been wracked with violent riots since the death almost three weeks ago of George Floyd, a black man who was murdered by a white Minneapolis police officer.
Wexit Saskatchewan ramps up for its first election
With a fall election around the corner, the new Wexit Saskatchewan Party is preparing for its first big fight.
The new Wexit Saskatchewan party is quickly preparing for its first election coming up this October. The party’s interim leader, Jake Wall says he is excited as prospective candidates for the permanent job step forward and they gear up for their first ever convention.
“I’m getting calls from people saying, ‘Listen, I want to help buy some memberships. What can I do? So the numbers are starting to pick up.”
If Wexit Saskatchewan has grown quickly, it’s because the party had little choice. On January 23, the Saskatchewan Party and NDP both agreed to change the requirements for new political parties to be established. It meant that Wexit had to collect 2,500 signatures by March 26 – much sooner than the fall deadline the party expected.
As it was, Wexit handed in 3,599 signatures on March 10, becoming just the seventh registered party in Saskatchewan.
Harry Frank estimates that he collected 500 of those signatures in 70 hours of work, canvassing Regina, Moose Jaw, Pilot Butte, and Balgonie.
“The response was overwhelming,” Frank said. “Trudeau got in again and you saw what happened. Things just exploded.”
Frank said the decision of establishment parties to make it more difficult for Wexit to gain status only made people even more eager to add their name.
“Our party is young but it’s growing,” Wall says. “We will definitely be a force in October come the election date. I know the Sask Party is worried about us.”
Wall says Wexit is picking up disillusioned voters from across the political spectrum.
“We’re getting people who are disgusted with the NDP because they have gone so far left – probably 20 per cent of people who contact us. Those who had leaned towards Sask Party but don’t like [Premier] Moe would comprise of about 50 or 60 per cent. And then others who have never voted before would be the last 20 per cent of those people.”
Wall says Moe has lost support because of high debt levels, the expenses of putting transgender bathrooms in schools, and the shut down of the provincial bus company.
Another controversy arose when the emergency wards of 12 rural hospitals were shut down for weeks due to the pandemic. The premise was to make physical changes to the facilities and to train staff on protocols. Some felt the closures were made too quickly, were poorly communicated, and left people an hour from a hospital if they needed help. The Facebook group, “Citizens concerned about rural health care” was formed in response and now has 2,300 members.
Wall says Moe and his Saskatchewan Party refused to let the people vote on whether they supported Saskatchewan independence, and were clearly warned that if they refused, Wexit supporters would form a party.
“Why do you think Moe doesn’t want to have the plebiscite? He doesn’t want to hear the answer. If the answer comes back, 75 to 80 per cent of people want to have a [binding independence] referendum – he doesn’t want to hear that answer.”
“But we know and you know and so does everybody that reads this article, Ottawa will never respond to those demands, because if they did they’d be foolish. When you own the keys and get the gas given to you, you don’t give away the car.”
Wexit has sent out candidate application forms as people step forward to become candidates. Harry Frank wants to be one, as does Constance Maffenbeier, a former RCMP officer who ranches between Humboldt and Watrous.
“We’re just being so treated unfair[ly] you know. We’re just like the ugly stepsister,” Maffenbeier says of how Ottawa treats the West.
“Even if we do have a different federal party in there, they’re never going to give the West the representation that they deserve. So this is one way that maybe we can wake the East up as to how exactly how important Western Canada is to confederation and Canada.”
The party will be reviewing the applications for the potential candidates and hammer out its policies in July during its inaugural convention. The party will also pick its first permanent leader to carry the its banner into the election coming a few months later.
“I hear this all the time,” Wall says, “’You’re going to split the vote.’ Even if we did split half of the Sask Party vote, they have 51 seats. That’d mean one of us would have 26, one would have 25, the NDP would have 10. But we’ve got so many educated voters, I don’t think they’re even going to get 10.”
Wall hopes the party will run a full slate of candidates and get 30 per cent of the vote.
“We don’t have any seats at this point. So our goal at this point is to have our voice in Regina, and maybe make Ottawa stand up and take notice. And also to show that the western separation movement is alive and well and growing.”
Lee Harding is the Saskatchewan Affairs Columnist for the Western Standard. He is also a Research Fellow at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy and is the former Saskatchewan Director of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.
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