The 2020 Tory leadership race has shaped up to be a boring, pale reflection of the exciting contest that marked the party’s 2017 race.
In 2017, 14 candidates fought it out for the Conservative brass ring. The contenders – for the most part – represented different factions, and featured a battle between people with substantive policy differences.
Maxime Bernier the anti-establishment libertarian. Michael Chong the Green Tory. Brad Trost and Pierre Lemieux the social conservatives. Kellie Leitch the Red Tory cum populist-nationalist. Lisa Raitt the socially progressive Red.
Kevin O’Leary ran less on policy, than the force of his considerable personality before bowing out.
Erin O’Toole and Andrew Scheer also ran light on policy, trying to position themselves as the centre-ish goldilocks candidates for down-ballot support. In Scheer’s case, his only noted policy was his fanatical defence of the supply-management dairy cartel.
The race was fought with a healthy number of debates held in almost every major region of the country, and the large number of candidates forced the contenders to stand out from the pack.
Contrast the 2017 race with the 2020 race, and the reflection is not flattering for the party.
By necessity, COVID-19 has nixed most of the debates and put a hard dampener on campaign tour events, but the virus cannot be blamed for most of the problems.
While packed stages with 14 candidates and large crowds are off the table, a camera pointed at four candidates on the stage were possible. The party held just a single one of these. True North News tried to hold a second, but it was effectively scuttled when Peter MacKay pulled out at the 11th hour. The result is that CPC members have hardly had any chance to see these candidates face off outside of duelling Facebook memes and news releases. This has added to the otherwise small contrast in ideas and styles between the two front runners, Peter MacKay and Erin O’Toole.
And while the two “second-tier” candidates – Leslyn Lewis and Derek Sloan – have been a bit more policy heavy – they have received little attention from the media, and have little chance of an upset.
MacKay and O’Toole are the only two candidates with any realistic chance of winning, and the contrast between the two men is mostly rhetorical. Both support renamed carbon taxes on industry, like Alberta’s TIER. Both have not committed to any significant reduction in federal spending to balance the budget within a term in office. Both support the continuation of the supply management dairy cartel. Both will not commit to any specific on Equalization reform, or to reopen the constitution to address Western issues. Both have committed to upholding the status quo on abortion, although O’Toole has not shown the open distain that Peter MacKay has for the “stinking albatross” of social conservatives.
The differences between the two candidates largely boil down to their campaign rhetoric and style. MacKay is openly campaigning as the moderate successor to the Progressive Conservatives. O’Toole campaigned in the middle of the pack in 2017, but he smartly realized that there was no Bernier-style candidate in this race to carry the libertarian or more hardcore conservative banner in this race. As such, he has positioned himself as the “True Blue” choice.
The biggest difference between the two candidates, is largely who is supporting them. MacKay dominates the Atlantic provinces and Quebec, and in the absence of a Western candidate in the race, O’Toole is poised to win it. As with federal elections, the ultimate decision will boil down to Ontario.
Undoubtedly, federal Wexit activists are pining for a MacKay win. With very little support between Winnipeg and Vancouver, he will be easier to portray as an Eastern establishment politician with little regard for the West. While O’Toole’s Western policies may be similar to MacKay’s, he at least has allies in the neighbourhood.
O’Toole’s abstinence from attacking social conservatives will likely serve him well on down-ballot support. As Sloan and Lewis likely drop off in the first and second rounds, the smart money is on their next choices going disproportionately to O’Toole.
Lewis in particular has stepped out of obscurity in this race and will be well positioned for a front bench role if she manages to win a seat in the next election. Sloan may be doomed to suffer the fate of Brad Trost; thanked for his second-choice support, but shuffled off to the back benches, and potentially out of a nomination.
Candidates almost always run to the centre after capturing their party’s leadership or nomination. It’s the natural pull of political gravity, but on August 21st, CPC members are voting more for a brand, than a set of principles.
I’d be happy to be proven wrong.
Derek Fildebrandt is Publisher of the Western Standard and President of Wildrose Media Corp. firstname.lastname@example.org
GEROW: WE scandal shows how government corrupts our charities
“Charity work is an important and meaningful part of human activity; one far too important to leave in the hands of corrupt politicians and useless bureaucrats.”
On July 23, 2020, federal Ethics Commissioner Mario Dion announced an investigation into Justin Trudeau and the decision to have WE Charity administer a $30 million Canada Student Service Grant Program. The red flags which prompted the investigation were the fact that this type of program is within the regular mandate of Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC). The ESDC is the government bureau where the unemployed go to collect E.I. benefits and employers can hire a temporary foreign worker at a reduced rate.
After scratching just below the surface, it was revealed that Trudeau’s mother and brother had received over a quarter-million dollars from WE Charity. His wife had been involved with WE Charity. Finance Minister Bill Morneau’s daughters worked for WE Charity and the organization had paid for trips his family had taken to Kenya and Ecuador.
It’s easy to understand why Canadian’s are outraged at the conflict of interest. It appears the Trudeau government took money from taxpayers and intended to launder it into the coffers of family and friends through a non-profit organization. Opposition parties called for a variety of actions. The CPC’s Pierre Pollievre demanded the release of documents. The Bloc Quebecois’ Yves-Francois Blanchet suggested that Trudeau should step down. The culpability of the Prime Minister and his inner circle is apparent, but the opposition fails to address the real problem. That is, that the government and their preferred tax-exempt organizations having the ability to engage in racketeering. Instead they argue for tougher regulations.
Charity is the reciprocal love of one’s fellow man manifest in the giving of alms to the poor, ill or helpless. To give voluntarily, to sacrifice your time or property for the good of mankind, is foundational in religious and spiritual thought. It is an act of civilized, empathetic kindness and community. Regulations which limit the ability of charity to function on a large scale have made most non-profit organizations in Canada an extension of Ottawa’s social bureaucracy. There is nothing honourable in filling out government grant applications.
In its attempts to preserve those aspects which are most dear to the idea of charitable giving, the federal government has instead built a web of red tape and restrictions that limit supply by creating artificial barriers to entry. This in turn creates monopoly privilege for organizations like WE Charity who are close to political power. Just the same as in corporate monopolies, non-profit monopolies create higher profits for its stakeholders.
In extreme cases we see entitled families grabbing tax dollars that would otherwise be used on local community initiatives and using them to backstop speaking engagements for the irrelevant aging mother of a prime minister plagued with scandal. The calls for stronger regulation on charities are misguided. More regulations on these organizations only further monopoly privilege and collusion with Ottawa. The only regulation needed for true charity is that it is free from political influence.
Why was the Canada Service Grant Program not administered by Employment and Social Development Canada?
On July 16, Rachel Wernick, the senior assistant deputy minister at ESDC testified to a parliamentary committee that WE Charity had been selected to administer the program because of the charities connections to youth and their ability to administer the program on a scale and with speed which the ESDC could not. Part of which is true. Private charities are much more efficient at delivering these types of initiatives than bureaucratic agencies, although it seems obvious that WE Charity was chosen for different reasons.
The question still has deeper meaning and further reaching implications than that which have been obscured through a myriad of partisan talking points. The answer is if a $30 million program is itself not a valid use of that departments regular mandate, then it should not be administered at all, or if that mandate is better left in the responsibility of private charities, then Employment and Social Development Canada should cease to exist.
Charity work is an important and meaningful part of human activity; one far too important to leave in the hands of corrupt politicians and useless bureaucrats.
Darcy Gerow is a columnist for the Western Standard
DAVIS: After Trudeau’s throne speech, the West must fight back with more than words
“Shaking our fists, going to court, and promises of greater autonomy someday, are no longer enough.”
It’s really no surprise that the Liberal throne Speech was more of the same rhetoric they’ve been regurgitating for the last five years. It’s really just more of the same tired march toward his idea of liberal-socialism: with gun grabs, censorship, and condescending emergency orders during the pandemic.
If anything was surprising, it was his lacklustre reiteration of the throne speech with no added value to speak of. Sure, it was delivered in his same breathy tones, but for a guy who likes to ham it up, it was decidedly bland.
What we saw in the throne speech and his remarks in the House the next day was an open disregard for the plight of the West and the growing tinderbox of alienation here. It’s hard to tell at this point if Justin Trudeau is just that blissfully unaware, or is being willfully ignorant.
As the pundits were busy reporting on a “Liberal re-set” that wasn’t – forgetting the scandals which made this entire farce necessary – the opposition and provinces weighed in on what they heard.
Conservatives won’t support the government. The NDP are being obtuse, and the Bloc leader Yves-Francois Blanchet sounded like an extortionist as he insisted that the government has one week to hand over more healthcare money, or else.
Alberta Premier Jason Kenney sounded more like a spurned lover than a premier ready to go to the mat for his province. I say this not because of how he said things, but because of what he did and didn’t say.
Essentially, Kenney plans to stay his course of angry words and lawfare, suing the federal government over every breach of the constitution. This means uncertain outcomes, and years in court. Years Alberta doesn’t have.
He spoke of implementing the findings of the Fair Deal Report, but hasn’t taken any concrete actions toward achieving those goals. Appointing the Alberta Firearms Officer is one of his “we’re going to do’s”, but when? He’s devoting $2 million to analysing the viability of a provincial police force instead of investing that money in recruitment and training facilities for the new force now. These uninspiring actions look like flinching under the pressure of a sovereigntist movement that keeps getting federal oxygen fanning the flames of discontent.
In fairness, the United Conservative government has done a good job during the pandemic. As much as some may cry foul at that assertation, the fact remains that we were able to send PPE to other provinces because of Alberta’s preparedness.
I admire Jason Kenney for going to the airport to verify if reports of a lack of COVID testing were true; they were. In response to this, he began more thorough checks at the Calgary airport, one of four airports still receiving international flights during the crisis.
Kenney has also been actively seeking investment and diversification of the Alberta economy. It should be a personal thorn in his side that immediately after the throne speech, much of his work was undone as investors are back to questioning if they can do business in Canada with the regulatory uncertainty restated by the Liberal government.
It was disappointing to hear Mr. Kenney say that he will continue on, bullishly complaining, going to court, and fighting a game that he cannot win. Time is of the essence and Albertans need him to come up with a plan B fast.
Asserting provincial autonomy, removing ourselves from as many federal programs as possible is a necessary start regardless of if independence is the end-goal or not. But independence must be put on the table as a last ditch option regardless of whether Mr. Kenney likes the idea or not. We face an existential threat – survival or disintegration under this federal government, bent on crushing everything Westerners hold dear or essential for survival.
We must begin a strategic plan, create a contingency blueprint, putting the pieces in place so that if it should come to it, Alberta is ready to go its own way. The province must be prepared and ready to implement those plans quickly.
We could take the example of Quebec’s preparations in 1995, learning from their mistakes and successes. We should be speaking to indigenous leaders, forming alliances early in a fair and equitable fashion. International relationships for both trade and support ought to be pursued now.
Shaking our fists, going to court, and promises of greater autonomy someday, are no longer enough. Tangible action is required and it’s required now. The United Conservative Party must face these facts and acknowledge that foundational steps are necessary to put Albertans on firmer ground and give us the leverage we need to say no to Ottawa the next time they come with matches and kerosene.
Gilly Davis is a guest columnist for the Western Standard
ANDRUS: Kenney prepares to fight “all-out war” from his knees
“A constitutional convention may be the only way to keep the country together. Without one, enflamed regional anger will continue to divide the country and the viability of remaining a single nation will continue to deteriorate.”
“The only time in the Speech from the Throne that Saskatchewan was essentially mentioned was in the phase out of our energy industry workers.”
That was Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe’s response to the massive shift in direction signaled by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in the Throne Speech on Wednesday. His words rang true across the West and the fight for the heart of the energy industry has ramped up yet again.
Alberta Premier Jason Kenney described the Throne Speech as a “full-frontal attack” on the constitution.
“There were more policies that invade provincial jurisdiction than I could count,” said Kenney. “Alberta will continue to work with our allies across the country to focus on lives and livelihoods.”
From the reaction of the premiers, it is now clear that national unity hangs in the balance.
The announcement of ambitious legislation guaranteed to be detrimental to the interests of Westerners, pits Moe and Kenney against the full might of a federal government targeting the heart of the energy industry.
The rhetoric both have displayed in recent days highlights the rage bubbling amongst their electorates, already concerned about their futures, but rhetoric is just that.
While both premiers have talked the talk, angry citizens await firm action. In Alberta, Kenney has slow walked his Fair Deal plan to a crawl. Two of his best options – a provincial pension plan and referendum to abolish equalization – have been delayed until next fall at the earliest. Constitutional challenges, while bold in rhetoric, will take years to unwind. Strong letters are just words on a page; empty threats unless backed up with strong action.
More than ever, the need for bold leadership is of vital importance. The constitution is under attack. Western alienation, scoffed at by the Laurentian establishment and Trudeau himself, is on the rise. Further delays will only see that anger redirected at provincial governments and Premiers that are seen to be waffling. Watering down messaging in a time when strong action is needed will further weaken the fabric of national unity.
The next few months will demonstrate clearly that constitutional reform is required to strengthen national unity and provide equal footing for provinces wary of federal intrusion into provincial jurisdiction. The current constitutional order is designed to favour voter-heavy provinces, with no real defence available to smaller provinces.
A constitutional convention may be the only way to keep the country together. Without one, enflamed regional anger will continue to divide the country and the viability of remaining a single nation will continue to deteriorate.
These reforms are long past due. It’s time to recognize gravity of the situation and act. Words will simply fall on deaf ears.
Josh Andrus is a columnist with the Western Standard and the Executive Director of Project Confederation.
ANALYSIS: Saskatchewan Party’s strengths & weaknesses
GEROW: WE scandal shows how government corrupts our charities
WATCH: Trump-Biden Debate, Sask Election, & “Cheeziegate”
EXCLUSIVE: CN Rail to send emergency propane shipments to Quebec
EXCLUSIVE: Teamsters union could block emergency propane shipment to Quebec
ANDRUS: Trudeau has bet double-or-nothing on Freeland to pacify with West
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