In a year where we have suffered from one catastrophe after another, a new disaster is on a quickly approaching horizon. A combination of easily accessible public funds, a surplus of idle time, and a generally stressed population has created a population of addicted and homeless people like we have never seen before. When the weather turns cold and the funds dry up, things are going to get very ugly fast.
Since selling my pub last spring, I have been driving Uber in order to make money and to take some time to figure out what career adventure I may want to jump into next. Spending months driving around the city at all hours has allowed me time to observe the state of things on the streets and what I have seen isn’t pretty.
There has, and will always be, a number of homeless and addicted people on the streets. Every city in every nation has to deal with that and they do so with varying degrees of success. What I have been watching is numbers of addicts well beyond what is normal and their numbers are visibly growing. While the numbers of strung out zombies are strikingly high in Calgary’s city center and beltline, I am also seeing a distressing number of people passed out in suburban parks and dumpster diving in every neighborhood. No community is immune from this, and when things inevitably hit the fan, every community will be suffering.
The Canadian Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) has been a boon to meth and opiate dealers as their client base suddenly had access to steady funds as never before. New addicts have been coming into the mix as stress and a collapsed economy has driven many to self-medicate with illicit drugs which are unfortunately plentiful and highly addictive. While $2,000 per month may not sound like much to most people, it is more than enough to keep a meth addict wasted every day of the month.
I don’t fault the Liberal government for this. The lockdown last spring led to a crisis and we needed to get funds out to the millions of suddenly unemployed Canadians without delay. There was no time and no way that a bureaucracy could be set up in order to properly screen CERB claims in time to deal with the crisis. Payments were and are being issued without question to essentially anybody who can get online with a social insurance number. They are working on an honor system and let’s not try and pretend that addicts have not been taking advantage of this.
While Trudeau may be acting like it, the funds for the CERB program simply can’t last forever. We have to transition out of it and soon. It looks like the program may be folded into a revised Employment Insurance system. If that happens, it will reduce the expenditures but it will also have the effect of immediately cutting off that large and growing population of addicts who have become very dependent on CERB in order to maintain their addictions. Then we will see things hit the fan.
Addicts are neither harmless or reasonable. They are immersed in a life where the only goal is to get from one fix to another and most will do nearly anything to save themselves from withdrawal. A crime wave is pending as we will see property crimes exploding whether through muggings, robberies or burglaries. These folks won’t simply sit back and let the addiction remain unfed. Overdoses and other health consequences are sure to rise as desperate people try alternative or lower quality drugs for a fix. As the weather turns cold, we will be seeing deaths and injuries due to exposure.
Safe consumption sites are a mitigation effort and they are indeed keeping many people alive who would have died of overdoses if left to their own devices. Those sites do nothing to get the addicts off the drugs though which has to be the end goal. If the addiction isn’t treated, all we will see among addicts is a slow death. Safe consumption mechanisms are only a short term band-aid solution.
Most addicts can’t stop on their own. Telling them to “suck it up” or “just show some willpower” doesn’t do a thing. They are living in misery and rest assured that if quitting on their own was that easy, they would have done so. These addicts need professional treatment and help. Treatment centers are expensive and don’t have nearly enough capacity. Even with inpatient treatment, the success levels are limited but it is the best tool we have.
The Kenney government is going down the right path in announcing the addition of 400 addiction treatment beds last June. The goal has to be to treat these addicts, not simply sustain their spiral deeper into addiction. I fear that 400 beds will not be nearly enough this winter but it is a move in the right direction.
I don’t have an easy answer to this pending disaster. There is a freight train of disorder moving slowly towards us all though and the first step in preparing for it is to realize that it is coming. I don’t think enough people realize this right now and the sooner we get ready for it, the better we will be able to manage it. Rest assured reality will be coming home to roost on this issue as soon as the CERB ends and we hit our first winter cold snap.
Cory Morgan is a columnist for the Western Standard
WAGNER: W. P. Kinsella – Alberta’s famous “redneck” writer
Michael Wagner profiles the Alberta man that wrote the book behind ‘Field of Dreams”, scorned by Canada’s literary establishment.
One of Canada’s most famous fiction writers was Alberta born and bred W. P. (William Patrick) Kinsella. He’s probably best known for the fact that his book Shoeless Joe was made into the 1989 movie Field of Dreams that starred Kevin Costner and received nominations for three Academy Awards. Because of Shoeless Joe, Kinsella also won a couple of major book awards.
Kinsella’s stories tend to focus on either baseball (such as Shoeless Joe) or the lives of First Nations people. His book The Fencepost Chronicles, with fictional stories about the lives of “Indians” from Hobbema (now known as Maskwacis), won the Stephen Leacock Award for Humour in 1987. Kinsella was criticized for his portrayal of First Nations people and for the offence of “cultural appropriation.” Nevertheless, he rejected such criticism, and considered the fact that his books sold well as vindication of his writing.
Interestingly, Kinsella was politically conservative and this set him apart from Canada’s literary elite. His political views are described by University of Calgary Canadian Studies professor George Melnyk in Volume Two of The Literary History of Alberta which was published in 1999.
Literary figures in Canada tend to be leftists, with Margaret Atwood being a prominent example. Partly because of his political views, Kinsella was disconnected from Canada’s literary establishment. As Melnyk put it, “His pro-Americanism, his rejection of political correctness on such issues as appropriation of voice, and his championing of right-wing causes such as the Reform Party have isolated him from many members of the Albertan and Canadian writing community.”
Kinsella was not at all bothered by such isolation. For as Melnyk explains, “This lone-wolf image is rooted in his solitary childhood (he has acknowledged that ‘childhood is the most influential part of a writer’s life’) and an American-influenced individualism in which writing is simply a means to an economic end.”
Melnyk points out that Kinsella’s writing has been well-received by the reading public – it’s only Canada’s literary elite that found him wanting…As a novelist, Kinsella has successfully blended both American and Canadian contexts; but the price of this popular success has been a certain ostracism by the Canadian literary establishment, where neither Kinsella’s personality, his political and literary pronouncements, nor his writing have found much favour. Despite the controversy, his writing remains popular with the general public.”
According to Melnyk, there are three distinct elements influencing Kinsella’s fiction. The first is an affinity for the loner and the outsider. “The second feature is his right-wing, pro-American sympathies which are reflective of popular sentiments in Alberta, but which are anathema to the Canadian academics with whom he has waged an ongoing battle for more than a decade. Kinsella certainly has not been averse to identifying with the image and values of a traditional Alberta redneck.”
The third element is his view of the value of commercial success: “In private-industry-oriented Alberta, he shares the popular conviction that the marketplace is the great judge of real value and success.” This view contrasts with the idea that success is determined by the favourable judgment of the academic community. Kinsella’s emphasis on the market as the standard for success reflects a much more populist view than that of many scholars in the Canadian literary establishment.
It’s likely that most successful fiction writers in Canada are left-wing, so Kinsella is very much an exception to that pattern. But if there’s going to be an exception to the leftist conformism of Canada’s literary elite, it’s only fitting that he should be an Albertan. One could even say that he was a bit of a maverick.
Michael Wagner is columnist for the Western Standard. He has a PhD in political science from the University of Alberta. His books include ‘Alberta: Separatism Then and Now’ and ‘True Right: Genuine Conservative Leaders of Western Canada.’
NAVARRO-GENIE: ‘Second wave’ fears further threaten civil liberties
Navarro-Genie writes that politicians are using inflated numbers to justify an increasingly authoritarian crackdown on people living their lives.
On September 18, Israel relocked down the country for the following three weeks, becoming the first developed country to shut down for the second time. This second COVID-19 lockdown comes four months after lifting the first one instituted in March. How Israeli citizens react to the unsustainable nature of re-lockdowns will be instructive for the Canadian jurisdictions that have increased a rhetoric of fear about a second wave.
As of September 21, Israel counted 190,929 COVID-19 cases, with 1,273 deaths (among 8.7 million Israelis). Israel currently has 58,976 active cases, the fastest infection rate in the world, and 653 of its cases are considered serious.
Reactions to the first weekend of the second Israeli lockdown seem worrisome. Shops and restaurants opened in protest despite fines of $1,500 US per day, religious gatherings and public protests organized in defiance of the new orders. Over 7000 police officers patrolled streets and manned check points. They handed nearly 5000 tickets to people violating the 1-kilometre radius zone from their domiciles that is permitted, and close to 200 tickets for failing to wear mandatory masks. Some restaurant owners were even arrested for refusing to close. Given the enforcement and levels of resistance, discontent and civil disobedience may increase. Reluctant liberal democratic societies can only tolerate so much enforcement.
On this side of the world – in reaction to increasing numbers of COVID-19 infections in the province – Quebec may grant greater police powers, including the power to violate private domiciles to stop gatherings that break the 10-person limit. Given that infections do not by a long shot equal hospitalizations, civil libertarians are rightly sounding warning bells.
Ironically, the new measures could be in place in time for the 50th anniversary of the October Crisis, a painful chapter in Quebec history. Reacting to threats of domestic terrorism after the murders of a Quebec minister and a foreign diplomat, then-Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau sent troops into the streets of Montreal as if it were Northern Ireland. Memories of countless violations of fundamental rights against so many suspected of sympathising with the separatist terrorists, forcibly rounded up, beaten and abused, still haunt surviving Quebeckers.
Next door, Ontarians should worry about Doug Ford’s vaporous rhetoric. On September 14, Ford heightened the COVID-19 panic. Following 31,143 tests and 313 new cases (1 percent of those tested), Ford torqued fear invoking a second COVID-19 wave: “I believe it is coming as sure as I am standing here.” He also raised the threat of a new lockdown: “…every option is on the table. We will take up every step necessary, including further shutdowns.”
Ford now boasts that Ontario leads Canada, reaching 40,000 and aiming at 50,000 daily tests. The connection between “hammering the testing,” as Ford calls it, and the infection increases seems to be ignored. The more tests, the more infected cases.
Alarmist headlines emphasising case growth scare some but only harden existing sceptics and make new ones. 478 new cases were reported on September 22, but what really matters is that there were 82 COVID-19 patients in Ontario hospitals, and that there is a legitimate concern this number doubled since September 13 (24 of whom are in intensive care, with 11 of them on ventilators). Of the 478 new cases, however, 8 people are aged over 80, the most critically vulnerable, and 3 new COVID-19 deaths were reported in a population of nearly 15 million people. The overblown emphasis on infection cases informs little and drives fears that may backfire.
Ontarians should be equally concerned with the escalating language and condescending vitriol toward challengers, sceptics and rule-breakers. On September 21, responding to questions about “clamping down,” Ford implied that people who attended an event in Ancaster are brainless and vowed to track them down for “putting people’s lives in jeopardy.” There is no evidence that the alleged brainless have infected anyone, yet Ford’s comments pave the way for unleashing coercive machinery against those who may legitimately disagree with his inflated medical rhetoric, his punishing instincts, and the desire to paint himself as a saviour.
Unless there is a rational perspective about the rising number of infection cases and reasonable mitigating strategies to protect the vulnerable, the alarmist rhetoric risks panicking into another harmful lockdown while simultaneously increase scepticism, challenges and resistance.
Albertans need not directly worry about police round ups in Laurentian Canada, but these are dangerous precedents for the healthy number of Albertans challenging the continuation of some lockdown conditions, the threat of returning to another unsustainable lockdown, and the fear-laden language of public medical officials.
Marco Navarro-Génie is a columnist for the Western Standard, a Senior Fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy and the President of the Haultain Research Institute. He is co-author, with Barry Cooper, of the upcoming COVID-19: The Politics of a Pandemic Moral Panic.
GRAFTON: Wexit’s morph into the Maverick Party a big missed opportunity
“Westerners are looking for alternatives, and one can’t help thinking that Wexit has missed an opportunity to become a mainstream, credible party, with a real chance of sending members to Ottawa following the next election.”
On September 17th, Wexit Canada leader Jay Hill announced that they were jettisoning their catchy portmanteau, and had registered a new name with Elections Canada. Wexit Canada is now the Maverick Party.
The new name immediately became fodder for satirists, who drew comparison to the popular Tom Cruise character in the 1986 blockbuster action-drama “Top Gun”. Hill denied any intentional connection.
“Maverick” seems an odd name for a party, considering the definition of the word, “an independent individual who does not go along with a group or party” (Merriam Webster), and could be interpreted as conceptual confusion. Certainly, it does not convey any particular political orientation.
Hill’s own explanation, “There’s (sic) mavericks in the business world, in virtually every occupation you run across what is referred to as mavericks — people who chart an independent path,” seems to align with the dictionary definition of mavericks as individuals who can’t work together.
In his message to members, Hill explained that the name change was designed to give the party an individual identity, separate from other movements like Brexit. In a CBC interview he said that the Wexit brand had been tainted by previous connections, and confusion among similarly named political entities. “We polled via Facebook, our members and some of the general public that would be interested in whether we should change our name or not,” Hill said. “It came back that (a) two-thirds majority thought it would be wise to change the name.” No argument there.
But, what’s in a name? As Juliette famously lamented, “That which we call a rose by any other name would smell as sweet.”
As it turns out, names can be important.
A 2017 CBS article entitled “What’s in a name? Plenty” quoted New York University Professor of Marketing Adam Alter; “You’d think it should just be a label, an idle label that doesn’t affect anything. But that’s not how the world works. It turns out it matters a huge amount.” Alter has a PhD in Psychology from Princeton University, and has analyzed and written about the impact of names. “There’s evidence that a good name is a simple name,” Alter said, “In law firms, people with simple names tend to make partner faster. In politics – with the notable exception of former President Barack Obama – fewer syllables generally mean more votes. People vote more for people with simpler names. We’ve got some results showing that.”
Dating back to confederation – excepting a blip in 1918 when the wartime Unionist Coalition under Sir Robert Borden formed a government, there has never been a governing party in Canada other than the Liberals or the Conservatives. The two brands offer serious credibility, and convey a clear and simple message of political orientation to voters. This became briefly muddled in 1920, following the demise of the Unionist Coalition, when the Conservative Party changed its’ name to the National Liberal and Conservative Party.
The closest that any other party has come was with the decimation of the Liberals in 2011, when the New Democratic Party (NDP) became the official opposition. Formed in 1961 as the love-child of the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), and sometimes described as “Liberals in a hurry”, perhaps the brand may have resonated more with Canadians with a simpler name…the Democratic Party of Canada perhaps. “New” sounds…well, inexperienced. And nearly 60 years old, a bit inaccurate.
The point is, a niche party has never come close to forming a federal government in Canada. Niche parties are easily identifiable by their names. Elections Canada currently lists twenty registered federal parties, most of them niche parties – the Animal Protection Party of Canada, the (festive but now obsolete) Marijuana Party, the Green Party, and the Rhinoceros Party. These parties will never form a government. In the serious game of national politics, you need a serious name to play.
Bloc Quebecoise is a serious name, and it worked for them…thirty-two seats.
Should Wexit should have gone with something else? The Western Independence Party seems an obvious, credible-sounding alternative.
Westerners are looking for alternatives, and one can’t help thinking that Wexit has missed an opportunity to become a mainstream, credible party, with a real chance of sending members to Ottawa following the next election.
“Maverick” is also defined as “an unbranded range animal, especially a motherless calf.”
Ken Grafton is a freelance columnist
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